Monday, April 18, 2016

The Republic of Zuptania: Part 3

What emerges from the previous two parts of this series is a clear picture of a Business Empire that is primarily built on the foundations of Gupta Money and political influence brought about by Jacob Zuma’s Presidency. The collective Zuptas currently have direct ties to two Government Ministers and Departments (the Department of Mineral Resources and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs) and no less than three State-Owned Enterprises (ESKOM, Transnet, Denel). There is therefore no reason for us not to believe that the Guptas do indeed have the power to influence Ministerial appointments, the awarding of tenders and indeed broader economic policy, but in a strange way we should be thankful that this situation was exposed when it was, because it could have been far, far worse.

The fact of the matter is that the current situation is not nearly as bad as it could have been had some of the Guptas’ more daring machinations paid the dividends they were hoping for. One easily imagines that we would not nearly have seen the level of fallout we did had Mcebisi Jonas but accepted the Guptas offer of the Finance Ministery and been appointed instead of David van Rooyen. If that had happened, then there is no telling what the results may have looked like.

At this point in the series, I had hoped that I would be able to quote Porky Pig (“That’s all folks”), but if writing this series has taught me anything, it would be that a lot of the evidence do point in a certain direction, but also raise even more questions, so I am left with no alternative but to quote the (not so) good people over at Verimark “but wait, there’s more.” Just about the only thing that is certain at this point in time is that we’ve not seen the back of this by a dam site.

More questions
Please note, those of you who have managed to get this far into the series, that I am not about to make any statements or allegations, but I am going to ask some questions. When we go about connecting seemingly random dots, the do not always form a clear picture, but sometimes they do and this is more an exercise in my own paranoia surrounding Jacob Zuma and our Government than anything else.

1.     Is that it? Is that all the Zupta Empire can conjure?
The answer to that question is sadly no, because biggest and most troublesome question that started to pop up in my mind as a went through process of compiling this is how it was even possible for all of this to escape the attentions of other “independent” organs of State. What is beyond any shadow of a doubt is that there are large amounts of money involved in all these transactions, so one would expect the South African Revenue Service to pay extremely close attention to all of it, but be severely disappointed, because everyone has seemed to miss the boat. Or have they?

Enter into the fray, if you will, Tom Moyane and the SARS “Rogue Intelligence Unit.”

The first “SARS Wars” started brewing on 28 May 2014 when an alleged SSA double agent named Belinda Walter (at the time working for British American Tobacco’s competitor Carnilinx as an attorney) wrote to SARS regarding her relationship with then Group Executive Johann van Loggerenberg. In June of that year, acting Commissionar Ivan Pillay appointed the Kanyane Panel to look into the allegations, which the panel subsequently found (on 12 August 2014) had no credible basis unless corroborated by other information at a later stage and could therefore not be used as basis for a formal investigation. Despite these findings, Pillay nevertheless appointed the Shikhakhane Panel to conduct further investigations into any misconduct or impropriety relating to van Loggerenberg’s conduct in the matter of and allegations made by Belinda Walter. At this point, there had been rumours of a “Rogue Unit” in the press, but there was no evidence that such a unit actually existed, outside of allegations made by a lover scorned.

That was apparently that, until a major change happened at SARS.

The change I refer to is Jacob Zuma’s appointment of Tom Moyane as the new Commissioner at SARS in place of acting Commissioner Ivan Pillay on 24 September 2014. The Shikhakhane Panel concluded its investigation and handed its report to Moyane on 5 November 2016, but the powder keg took spark on 9 November 2014 when the Sunday Times ran a piece on the “Rogue Unit” written on the back of leaked memorandums and other internal SARS documents. It was only after this article saw the light of day that Moyane met with the Shihakhane panel and expanded its mandate to also investigate the claims into the rogue intelligence unit at which time all the interviews with involved persons have been concluded and they had no chance to deliver evidence on the “Rogue Unit.” The accuracy and bias of the Shikhahane Report is therefore rather questionable, but it was nevertheless published on Politicsweb on 28 April 2015, finding great impropriety by Johan van Loggerenberg, but more importantly also finding that the “Rogue Unit” had been established unlawfully and “SARS should ensure that proper structures of co-operation between SARS and Government agencies statutorily tasked with intelligence gathering and crime investigation are established in order to assist SARS with the capacity it may require. Alternatively, the Commissioner, through the Minister of Finance may request Parliament to enact legislation giving SARS the investigative capacity it requires.” [Par 190.4.3]

We know that, to date, no request to grant investigation powers to SARS has been made by the Minister of Finance and that all investigations must therefore be conduction in cooperation with established bodies like the South African Police Force (SAPS), Directorate for Priority Crimes (Hawks) and National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) among others, which brings me to the big question; can we establish a direct link between the appointment of Tom Moyane and the State Capture perpetrated by the Guptas?

I think we can.

Yes, you could argue that Moyane was merely searching for the truth with regards to the Shikhakhane panel, but when you consider the fact that Johann van Loggerenberg (acting as Head of Special Investigations under the authority of the Deputy Commissioner Ivan Pillay) was starting to generate a reputation for himself due to his ability to bring wealthy individuals and politicians (like Julius Malema, among others) to book, then it becomes quite apparent that certain people at SARS could pose a direct threat to the operations and aspirations of the Gupta Business Empire and its continued success might very well have depended on getting rid of them.

Moyane achieved just that when he suspended both Pillay and van Loggerenberg shortly after the Sunday Times report on 9 November 2014. Van Loggerenberg ultimately resigned on 4 February 2015 and was followed by Ivan Pillay on 7 May 2015. But the SARS Wars also claimed many other members of the Revenue Service’s top structures:
-         chief operating officer Barry Hore;
-         modernisation and strategy head Jérôme Frey;
-         the head of the case selection division under Hore, Jacques Meyer;
-         anti-corruption and security head Clifford Collings;
-         Pillay’s special adviser Yolisa Pikie; and
-         spokespeople Adrian Lackay and Marika Muller

In one fell swoop, Moyane not only opened up space for his own people in the top structures of SARS via his “restructuring programme” and could presumably prevent any investigations into the Zuma/Gupta family, but even if he fails to achieve that goal, it actually matters very little because even if an investigation were to be launched, it would now fall under the auspices of the infamous Security Cluster of Ministers who all rallied to Jacob Zuma’s side during the entire Nkandla debacle.

This line of thinking is also supported by Floyd Shivambu’s allegation that the Guptas moved as much as R2 billion to Dubai and yet did not pay the 10% levy on such transfers as required by the South African Reserve Bank. One has to wonder how such transfers just happened to escape the attentions of the South African Revenue Service (as the Customs authority) and the answer can only be Tom Moyane or one of his goons.

Given the far reaching and possibly disastrous consequences of SARS under the control of the Zuptas, I really do hope that the line drawn here is nothing but a crackpot conspiracy theory, but given its importance it should be investigated by a truly independent and preferably international body and we have to wonder, what exactly is it that Paul o’Sullivan was about to reveal to the world?

2.     What’s eating KPMG?
It seems very odd indeed that a company like KPMG could suddenly, after a fifteen year relationship and being “privy” to everything, but especially the happenings since 2014, suddenly be the first to decide to end their association with Oakbay and the Zuptas.

At the time there was simply no indication that the Zupta Empire was about to be collapse or hauled before a court of law. So it does not make any sense for them to just give up such a meal-ticket and don’t you go and believe, even for a split second, the yarn about “association risk to the company’s public image and reputation” either, because in the international context of KPMG, any damage done to its reputation by (and financial repercussions of) this situation are negligible at best. So what do the good people over at KPMG know that we mere mortals do not?

Well, there’s the matter of the “Second SARS Wars” for a start.

I will not enter into too many of the specifics regarding the SARS Wars themselves, but it should be kept in mind that the unlawful formation of the “Rogue Unit” goes all the way back to when Pravin Gordhan was Commissioner of SARS and KPMG is involved in all of it because another recommendation of the Shikhakhane report was that SARS appoints an independent body to do a forensic investigation into the activities of the “Rogue Unit” in order to determine whether criminal or civil proceedings should be instituted against individuals involved. KPMG was appointed to conduct the investigation in December 2014 and Moyane instructed that Advocate Martin Bressey work with the firm and assist it in “capturing oral evidence.” The report was “finalized” and handed to Moyane on 4 December 2015, but like the previous SARS Wars the report was marred by irregularities and media leaks.

Press leaks in September 2015 brought to light that KPMG
-         received letters from the legal counsel of SARS (August 2015) containing findings which they felt should be included in the report. These recommendations were not only included in the final report, but were included verbatim;
-         never actually captured any oral evidence but conducted a documentary review of documents, evidence and minutes of previous enquiries
-         released with the final report with a disclaimer stating that the report could not be used to resolve disputes or disciplinary matters and could not be released in part or as a whole to the press.
-         developed a conflict of interest in March 2015 when British American Tobacco declared it as their preferred auditor, ending BAT’s seventeen year relationship with PriceWaterhouseCoopers. Since BAT was part of the investigation van Loggerenberg was conducting when Walter made the allegation against him, it meant that KPMG would now be investigating the domestic activities of one of the world’s largest multi-national companies while being in their employ.

These four facts could go to prove that KPMG did not fulfil the mandate for which it was employed, was biased in favour of another client (BAT) and was pliable by including the recommendations of outside parties in their final report.

Then the unthinkable happened, KPMG (and SARS for that matter) got a very large spanner thrown into the works; Pravin Gordhan was back as Minister of Finance just over a week after the “final” report was submitted to Moyane. What’s more is that Jacob Zuma, being the politically vengeful individual we know him to be, then went and allegedly instructed Hawks boss Berning Ntelemenza to launch an investigation into Gordhan’s involvement in the rogue unit on the back of the Shikhakhane (and by extension the KPMG) report and he did so amid a growing public spat between President and Minister over Tom Moyane.

The report’s potential consequences for KPMG suddenly took on a completely different dimension. In the event that Pravin Gordhan is found guilty of unlawful conduct and removed from his portfolio, the report would literally go from a containable domestic “nuisance” to an international sensation in a matter of minutes. If such an event is to ever occur, then the disclaimer added to the final KPMG report would be utterly meaningless in the eyes of the press and it is only a matter of time before the world’s media makes this same connection between the Zuptas, KPMG and SARS; in the eyes of the media court, at least, KPMG would not only be complicit in facilitating the Zupta State Capture, but it would have proven itself as biased, pliable, unprofessional and not at all serious about the confidential nature of its business in an industry where your reputation is literally worth its weight in Benjamins ($100 bills) if not solid gold.

You might remember that the fifth large multi-national accounting firm Arthur Andersen had no choice but to surrender its auditing license even after having its conviction of obstructing the ends of justice (as relates to their auditing of Texas based energy giant Enron that went bust in 2001) vacated on appeal. The damage done to its reputation was so severe that there was simply no use in trying to practice anymore and this might be what KPMG tried to avoid when it cut its ties to Oakbay on 4 April 2016.

3.     The Oakbay Share Price Paradox ran a piece that touched on the subject of the Oakbay share prices by Martin Williams on 14 April 2016 and if things aren’t strange enough already, Twilight Zone be damned, the Oakbay share prices are a mystery all its own.

JSE listed Oakbay Holdings is in as precarious a position as any corporate could ever find itself. Not only does Oakbay presently find itself without an accredited auditor (as is required for continued listing on the JSE) while there doesn’t seem to be a bank in sight that would even touch it with a stick, but yet the share price of Oakbay Holdings has been remarkably resilient in the wake of the Jonas Revelations, shedding a mere 7.5% of its value since the statement issued by Mcebisi Jonas on 16 March 2016 (R20.00) and 15 April (R18.50).

This is really no secret, folks, because the fact of the matter is that the Guptas own the majority of Oakbay Resources & Energy’s 800 000 000 shares. Of these, some 639 995 900 million shares are owned by Oakbay investments, while long-time associate companies Saranya and Action Investments own a combined 112 940 453, which means that just over 47 000 Okbay Resources and Energy shares are available on the market for outside investors. The simple conclusion to be drawn is that the major shareholders are just not unloading their shares onto the market, despite all the troubles currently facing Oakbay. This does not explain, however, what happened on 10 February of 2016.

On that particular day, the Oakbay share price shed roughly three quarters of is value during midday trade, tumbling from R 30.48 to R 7.55 when a single trade comprising of 1102 shares hit the market. An investigation by the JSE at the time found that no impropriety or manipulation has taken place, but this all seems too good to be true to occur on the back of such a small volume of shares being traded and especially when the Oakbay share price has proven itself to be largely immune to the political storms taking place around it.

What happened on 10 February 2016?

4.     The Saudi job?
As I was writing this, the fact that most of the back alley deals took part in Dubai (United Arab Emirates) seemed purely incidental and that there was nothing linking it to the domestic events, but that theory was blown completely out of the water when News24 ran the story of Jacob Zuma opening a weapons factory in the United Arab Emirates during a recent state visit.

Perhaps this is the same visit during which he allegedly took R 6 billion of Gupta money to Dubai and if that holds true, then it all ties in nicely with the Guptas suddenly leaving South Africa on 7 April 2016, but that is not the question I wish to ask here. The question I wish to ask if there is any connection between the Zuptas and the joint venture between Rheinmetall Denel Munitions and Saudi Military Industrial Corporation that resulted in the Al-Kharj military industrial complex.

Al-Kharj seems to follow the same pattern as the now ill-formed Denel Asia in that it is illegal for such ventures to take place without authorisation from Treasury (Minister of Finance) and the Minister of Public Enterprises. Regardless of this, both these ventures effectively opened their doors in a very short space of time between them and to the complete surprise of both Ministries involved. Moreover, the Gupta Business Empire stood to make billions due to their involvement in VR Laser Services, which was almost guaranteed to benefit from large contracts to supply steel components to Al-Kharj and perhaps this would fully explain the formation of Denel Asia in the first place.

It also casts a different light on the R2 billion in “assets” that the Guptas have already moved offshore; do they perhaps own a larger stake in the Al-Kharj military industrial complex than we are aware of?

5.     Denel. It may not be a river in Egypt, but seems to be one in the UAE
It also emerged recently, via a City Press article, that there is a stronger Zupta influence at Denel than we have previously thought. The Chief Executive Officer of Denel, Riaz Saloojee was suddenly fired, presumably by Minister of Public Enterprises Lynne Brown, on 14 April 2016 after being on suspension for eight months along with two of his top officials due to alleged irregularities with the company’s profit statements. This is a most curious development since the there was never any finding against Saloojee, the company has never recorded an operating loss or received anything but a clean audit under Saloojee’s stewardship and, what’s more, it was confirmed to the trade unions representing Denel’s employees that his contract would be renewed for another five year term when it ended in January 2016 before his suspension around August last year.

So what’s up with that?

I find it a great coincidence that Saloojee’s suspension would come just prior to the happenings around Denel Asia and the same City Press article alleges that Saloojee resisted outside pressure to make “prescribed” appointments to Denel subsidiaries and that that is the real reason behind his suspension and ultimate axing from the parastatal. But this casts serious suspicions on Public Enterprises Minister Lynne Brown.

Appointed 25 May 2016, Minister Brown’s appointment predates (just) the vast majority of the Zupta’s more daring grabs of State businesses. Barely a month after her appointment, Iqbal Sharma gives Transnet tenders to himself and three months later, Brown appoints Mark Pamensky to the ESKOM board. On the other hand, the formation of Denel Asia has not been approved by either the Treasury or Department of Public Enterprises as is required by law, so perhaps Minister Brown’s only crime here is that she’s been a little too submissive to her boss, Jacob Zuma.

Either way, I still think that the Minister should come forward and explain herself.

I simply do not know whether any of the questions I posed here warrant further investigation or if they even have the most remote element of truth to them, but what we can be sure of is that making sure of everything is in our collective best interests.

The Republic of Zuptania: Part 2

If the timeline provided in the previous post is not too much information in itself, then the sheer amount of corporations and people involved in this scam are nothing short of confounding.

The Corporate Players
1.     Oakbay Resources and Energy
Oakbay Resources and Energy is the parent company of the following smaller companies with their shareholding in the parent company in brackets (pre-JSE listing) and also shareholders in the individual firms
-         Oakbay Investments (79.99%)
o   Atul Gupta (30%)
o   Chetali Gupta (30%)
o   Islandsite 180 (40%)
§  Atul Gupta (25%)
§  Chetali Gupta (25%)
§  Rajesh Gupta (25%)
§  Arti Gupta (25%)
-         Action Investments (8.47%)
o   HK Agarwal (89.06%)
o   Vinod Agarwal (10.94%)
-         Saranya (5.65%)
o   Nikhil Agarwal (99.99%)
o   S Bharwaj (0.01%)
-         Unlimited (2.31%)
o   Kamran AG Radiowala (99.9995%)
o   Faizya K Radiowala (0.0005%)
-         IDC (3.57%)
-         Oakbay Group Employees (0.0004%)

What is clear from this breakdown is that Atul Gupta and, presumably, his wife Chetali controls 80% of Oakbay investments, also giving them a majority (controlling) share of 63.992% in Oakbay Holdings.

2.     Mabengela Investments
Mabengela Investments is a “Black Economic Empowerment” company and seems to be the main investment vehicle for Jacob Zuma’s son Duduzane who owns a 45% share and serves as a director of the company. The only other director and notable shareholder with a 25% stake is Rajesh “Tony” Gupta.

3.     Islandsite Investments 255/254
Like Mabengela, the only listed directors of Islandsite Investments 255 is Duduzane Zuma and Rajesh “Tony” Gupta.

4.     Shiva Uranium
A joint venture between Oakbay Holdings (74%) and “subsidiary” Islandsite Investments 255 (26%). Currently owns of the Dominion Uranium Mine outside Klerksdorp, North West Province as well as prospecting rights one thousands of hectares.

5.     Imperial Crown Trading 289 (ICT)
While not directly linked to abovementioned companies, 50% of ICT’s shares were allocated to Pragad Investment, of which Jagdish Parekh is the sole shareholder. Parekh also happens to be CEO of both Shiva Uranium and Tegeta Resources and Exploration.

6.     Westdawn Investments (JIC Mining Services)
Formerly from the Mvelapanda Holdings Stable, purchased in 2005/06 during a joint venture between Oakbay Investments (57.6%), Gemini Moon Trading (28%) and Lexshell 702 Investment (14.4%) aimed at providing mining services. Duduzane Zuma is both a shareholder of Gemini Moon Trading 254, via his stake in Mabengela, and a director along with Rajesh “Tony” Gupta.

7.     VR Laser Services
A steel manufacturing company of which 74.9% is owned by Salim Essa through his complete ownership of Elgasolve. The remainder of the shares in the company is owned by Craysure Investments, which in turn is completely owned by Westdawn Investments.

8.     Tegeta Exploration & Resources
Founded as subsidiary of Oakbay Investments, Tegeta is set to buy Optimum Colliery from Glencore after the mine ran into financial troubles following the reousrce price slump and R2.2 billion ESKOM fine in 2014. Salim Essa’s Elgasolve reportedly owns a 22% stake in Tegeta, while Duduzane Zuma’s Mabengela Investments owns 28.5%.

If this is not confusing enough, there are even more corporations involved in this Empire (Alec Hogg claims as many as twelve), but those mentioned seem to be the bigger ones that can be primarily tied in with the Guptas and Duduzane Zuma. The number one question raised by this structure, to my mind at least, is why such a complex corporate web is necessary in the first place?

If Duduzane Zuma’s claims about being a self-made businessman are accurate and if there is indeed no political influence behind the success of the Gupta’s, then why do they find it necessary to hide their respective interests behind layer upon layer of corporate malarkey?

The answer, of course, is that people with things to hide show a general proclivity towards attempts at hiding them and with all the distance the individuals put between themselves and their operatives, it is a structure that is far more reflective of that normally in place for a crime syndicate.

“La Familia” (The Family)
This entire structure is, of course, comprised of and driven by people. While I will not provide any more information on the “big players” in Atul and Rajesh Gupta and Duduzane Zuma, since enough has been written about them already, I have discovered a virtual army of shady characters and operators involved in this matter that merit “investigation” in their own regard. This is especially true in the cases of Ajay Gupta and President Jacob Zuma who seem to be the “invisible hands pulling the strings,” since so little (none, in fact) concrete evidence of their involvement in this saga is available.

1.     Ajay Gupta
While Ajay Gupta may hold no financial stake in any of the family’s businesses, he is described (in a 2013 Mail & Guardian article) as the head of the Gupta family. This position puts him in charge of formulating the family’s business strategies and also in control of the family’s finances. The final decision regarding the family’s finances falls to him, which would imply that he must have intimate knowledge of every decision and every “investment” the family has made. It is therefore not only probable, but likely, that Ajay Gupta is the man at the helm of the ship and the mastermind behind the Gupta Business Empire. Younger brothers Atul and Rajesh are naught but the lieutenants in the Gupta Business Empire, but in true Mafioso fashion, Ajay Gupta has taken great pains to insulate himself from scrutiny.

2.     Jacob Zuma
As stated there is no direct evidence, outside of hearsay, of the President’s direct involvement in any of the Gupta businesses, but there is a lot of circumstantial evidence that not only indicate that he was well aware of what was going on, but that he started playing an active role to benefit these businesses from the political side of the spectrum.

While his relation to Duduzane Zuma is meaningless in itself, a close study of the timeline makes it clear that there has been a very rapid growth in Duduzane Zuma’s involvement and expansion of the Gupta business empire following Jacob Zuma’s election as President of the ANC and heir apparent to the Presidency of the Republic. As pertains to the first few years, say until mid-2014, one could make the argument that Duduzane and his associates were merely riding on the President’s “coat tails” and that he was blissfully ignorant of this fact. But thanks to hindsight being the perfect science, it seems that something changed during the latter half of 2014.

Perhaps this is due to the fact that the President came to realize his own political “mortality” at the start of his second term, especially amid the debacle surrounding the Public Protector’s report on Nkandla that just would not go away, or perhaps it is because the previous business ventures had not taken off to the degree that the Guptas had hoped for; Shiva Uranium wasn’t (and still isn’t) doing all that well, the public mostly shunned the New Age Newspaper, the bid for the prospecting rights at Sishen failed in the Constitutional Court, ANN7 was (and still is) the laughing stock of the country’s media and Tegeta Exploration and Resources was just another small time mining operation that nobody even heard of.

Whatever the case may be, the latter half of 2014 saw the start of political moves being made that could fall well within the scope of President Zuma’s political power and influence all of which seemed to directly benefit the Gupta Business Empire. While one instance of such a benefit would surely be a coincidence, a series of such instances forms a pattern that would indicate that President Zuma knowingly and purposefully made the decisions that he did. It is also interesting to note how Zuma’s machinations have gotten more and more brazen as the political pressure on him has increased, to the point where it is now “open kimono” with regards to Zuma’s unmasked and unpretentious support of SARS commissioner Tom Moyane in defiance of Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan.

3.     Mark Pamensky
Less than two weeks after the Jonas Revelation, founder Alec Hogg reported on the Bizarre Case of Mark Pamensky and while I agree with Alec that Pamensky’s appointment to the ESKOM Board of Directors (December 2014) a mere three months after he was appointed to the Oakbay Board of Directors (September 2014) warrants further investigation, I would like to add another Gupta dimension to the matter of the Optimum Coal Scandal that Hogg also reported on in February of this year.

At the time of Pamensky’s appointment ESKOM’s was buying coal from the Optimum Mine (on a 25 year contract dating back to 1993) under the Glencore PLC Banner for its Hendrina power plant but as the mine aged, the quality of the coal deteriorated, the cost of mining kept climbing and it seems that Optimum had been providing coal to ESKOM at a loss since 2012. While this might certainly be the natural progression for any mining operation, ESKOM ultimately slapped Optimum Mine with a R2.2 billion fine to recover losses incurred for the delivery of sub-specification coal, as it is entitled to do under the contract.

Again, not sinister in itself, but where it gets hazy, even if one ignores the interventions of Minister Mosebeni Zwane in this instance, is where reports indicate that the coal delivered over the three years prior to the fine was in fact acceptable, judging by the efficiency reports of the Hendrina Plant, but the real “cloak and dagger” stuff started when ESKOM insisted that the fine on the Optimum mine would be kept in place, even in the event that the mine itself is sold to another operator. One would think that any such fines would be levied against the operator of the mine and not the mine itself, but what this leads to in the Optimum case is the effective doubling of the sale price, since Tegeta ultimately bought the mine for R2.15 billion. I cannot think of a better way to dissuade any possible competitors than to increase the sale price by more than 100%. Time will tell if it would indeed levy this fine on Tegeta and if the sale will ultimately be concluded, so we can only speculate as to what would have happened had the bomb not gone off.

4.     Jagdish Parekh
Jagdish Parekh is mostly unknown character involved in this, but he is perhaps also the one character that could point to the fact that the Gupta State Capture goes back much further than we ever really knew about. It all appears to have started in 2014, but when you factor Parekh into the mix, you have to go back all the way to the Sishen Mining Rights dispute that started way back in 2010. The major player in that particular dispute was Imperial Crown Trading in which Parekh, who was described in a 2011 business day article on the Guptas as “the Managing Director of the family’s investment vehicle Oakbay Investments” personally held a 50% stake. The Sishen Mining rights ultimately proved to be a false start, but it is still reasonable to assume that Parekh has had intimate knowledge of all Gupta Business related dealings following this moment in time and perhaps even sooner, but I could uncover no evidence to positively point to that fact.

He should be brought into the investigation along with Pamensky.

5.     Salim Essa
Perhaps the shadiest character in this whole sordid saga, Salim Essa’s sole job seems to be cultivating relationships with people that can then later exert massive influence over State Owned Enterprises. A recent article by the Mail & Guardian’s centre for investigative journalism, Amabhungane (dated 24 March 2016), revealed Essa’s direct ties not only to five current members of the ESKOM board, but also ties to people with direct influence over decisions made at Transnet, Denel and the Department of Mineral Resources.

If one studies the histories of Essa and his mentioned associates a pattern emerges whereby Essa cultivates relationships with potentially influential people, only to have those relationships terminated just prior to these people being elected into positions where they can exert large amounts of influence over economic sectors in which the Guptas have large interests. Two sources contributing to the Amabhungane article even went as far as to state that Essa acts as a proxy for the Guptas.

Salim Essa seems to be the major lynchpin in the Gupta Business Empire Family and if we manage to get our hands on him, he might prove to be extremely insightful.

6.     Iqbal Sharma
Sharma is one of the many people that Essa has sought a relationship with in order to promote the business interests of the Guptas. Sharma first came into the spotlight when VR Laser services was the apparent frontrunner to receive a sizable chunk of the planned R50 billion locomotive tenders that Transnet put out, with Sharma being Chairman of the board committee responsible for overseeing the tender process. At the time, at least, Sharma owned a company Issar Capital which in turn was the sole owner of VRLS Properties. VRLS properties, in turn owned the premises on which the VR Laser Services factories stand and even the name of VRLS Properties seems to be tied into VRLS laser services. Not only does this mean that there was a lease agreement between VRLS Properties (Sharma) and VR Laser services Elgasolve (Essa), but it also emerged that both these gentlemen (if they qualify as such) were directors of a company named Daqo South Africa.

With everything taken into account, what you are left with is a veritable labyrinth of companies and people that all fit together somehow and if a picture is worth more than the thousands of words I’ve already used, then perhaps we would be better served by my own amateurish attempts at an infographic.

The Republic of Zuptania: Part 1

For months, ever since the FinMin Flip Flop on what is now known as 9/12, the alleged State Capture by the now infamous Gupta family via its ties with the Presidential Zuma family has utterly dominated the South African news sphere and even more so after the shock announcement of a Gupta ministerial offer made to Deputy Minister of Finance Mcebisi Jonas on 17 March 2016. The big question, however, is whether or not this outrage is actually warranted or more of a knee jerk trial-by-media reaction of the South African public which has previously proved itself predisposed to such types of overreactions?

I had originally planned to construct some sort of timeline of events from the Guptas first meeting President Zuma in 2003 to the reports of them landing back in India on 11 April 2016, but after hunting for news clippings and other facts for the better part of a week, I have discovered that there is simply too much information in terms of people events, dates and possible outcomes that much more would be required in order to lay this beast completely bare, if that is even possible without a Judicial Commission of Enquiry that has not been appointed by the ANC.  

Given the vast scope of the Gupta Busines Empire, I have no choice but to turn this inquiry into a series of posts evaluating the saga from numerous angles that will ultimately culminate in a series of conclusions and deductions, but also the many unanswered questions that it may render, even if I know to an almost absolute certainty that such an exposé will most likely be incomplete.

Before I continue, let me categorically state that I am not a detective, private investigator or even a journalist, I am an ordinary guy who occasionally pens a perfectly ordinary blog, but this seems important enough so first things first, the timeline. This timeline has been put together (as I said) through Google searches of news reports involving the Guptas, other key individuals and events that I feel are relevant to the saga. As a result, some of the dates mentioned below might not be entirely accurate and text in italics represent unverified allegations made by other individuals.

[Unknown] 1999: Pravin Gordhan appointed as Commissioner of the South African Revenue Service (SARS).

2003: The Gupta family meets Jacob Zuma (then Deputy President of the Republic) for the first time at a function hosted by the Guptas at Sahara Estate.

2005: The Gupta family supports Jacob Zuma during his power struggle against incumbent President Thabo Mbeki in the wake of the Shabir Shaik Corruption Trial. Zuma was fired from the Deputy Presidency on 14 June 2005. In the following years, Sahara Computers appoints members of the Zuma family as employees or board members.

18 December 2007: Jacob Zuma is elected ANC President at the Polokwane Elective Conference.

28 December 2007: The National Prosecuting Authority indicts Jacob Zuma to appear on 783 fraud and corruption charges in the High Court.

[Unknown] 2008: President Zuma’s daughter Duduzile is appointed to the Board of Directors of Sahara Computers.

8 July 2008: Duduzane Zuma acquires 25 shares (25%) of Mabengela Investments at R 1 per share.

28 July 2008: Mabengela Investments acquires 7.19% (60 shares) of Gemini Moon Trading 254.

September 2008: President Thabo Mbeki recalled from the Presidency due to the breakdown in the working relationship between himself and the newly elected NEC of the party.

30 September 2008: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Board of Directors of Westdawn Investments

1 February 2009: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Karibu Hospitality Board of Directors.

3 February 2009: Mabengela Investments acquires a further 102 shares in Gemini Moon Trading 254 for a total ownership stake of 17.3%. At this point Gemini held 28% ownership of Westdawn Investment/JIC Mining.

6 April 2009: Following months of legal battles and court appearances, the NPA drops all charges against Jacob Zuma due to procedural technicalities and political interference by former President Mbeki in what has become known as the “Spy Tapes Saga.”

9 May 2009: Jacob Zuma is sworn in as President of the Republic.

10 May 2009: Pravin Gordhan appointed as Minister of Finance to succeed Trevor Manuel.

3 June 2009: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Dixie Investment Board of Directors.

18 June 2009: Duduzane Zuma acquires a further 20 shares in Mabengela Investment; total ownership 45%

1November 2009: Duduzane Zuma appointed to the Boards of Directors of Islandsite Investments 254 and Islandsite Investments 255.

[Unknown] 2010: The Gupta family buys Shiva Uranium valued at R270 million with a R250 million loan from the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC)

April 2010: Imperial Crown Trading 289 (ICT), enters into a legal dispute regarding the 21.4% of the prospecting rights at the Sishen Iron Ore Mine (one of the world’s largest iron ore mines) with ArcelorMittal SA and Anglo American due to the Department of Mineral Resources awarding of prospecting rights to ITC after Arcelor failed to renew its license in time. ICT is 50% owned by Jagdish Parekh, an executive in a group of Gupta-owned companies. Parekh reportedly holds the shares on behalf of Gupta-owned JIC Mining (of which he is Managing Director), which is partly owned by Duduzane Zuma through Mabengela and Gemini Moon Trading.

14 April 2010: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Shiva Uranium Board of Directors

June 2010: TNA media is founded by the Gupta family

10 June 2010: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Dunrose Investments 180 Board of Directors

29 July 2010: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Sahara Holdings Board of Directors

26 August 2010: Duduzane Zuma appointed to Afripalm Horizons Board of Directors <Company currently in process of deregistration>

October (?) 2010: Atul Gupta allegedly tells ANC MP Vytjie Mentor that she would be Public Enterprises Minister within a week if she assisted in SAA dropping its routes to India once appointed. This was presumably in order to open the routes up to be serviced by Gupta owned Jet Airways.

1 November 2010: President Zuma shuffles his Cabinet, replacing Barbra Hogan with Malusi Gigaba. Fikile Mbalula is sworn in as Minister of Sports and Recreation; Julius Malema of the EFF alleges that he was present when one of the Guptas informed Mbalula of his new position, long before he received any official information.

23 November 2010: Duduzane Zuma appointed to CRCC Afripalm Construction Board of Directors <Company currently in process of deregistration>

6 December 2010: TNA Media published the first edition the New Age newspaper with an overt and stated bias in favour of the Government/ANC.

[Unknown] 2010: Themba Maseko, then CEO of the Government Communications and Information System (CGIS) meets Ajay Gupta at the latter’s Saxonworld home upon the instruction of President Jacob Zuma. During the meeting Gupta tells Maseko that he wants Government advertising funding channelled to the New Age Newspaper. Zuma allegedly told Maseko that “the Gupta brothers need your help.”

[Unknown] 2013: The repayment term for the R250 million IDC loan relating to the purchase of Shiva Uranium lapses with the loan partially unpaid. The IDC decides to convert the debt (accounting for 90% of the company’s purchase price) to an equity share of 3%.

April 2013: The Guptas’ private plane lands at Waterkloof Air Force Base and the 217 guests to a family wedding are given a blue light escort to Sun City. Chief of State Protocol Bruce Koloane authorised the landing by using Zuma’s name with the latter cancelling his attendance of the wedding after the incident, Guptagate, became public.

19 April 2013: A Daily Maverick article (by Mandy de Wall) reports that Government related advertising through State-owned Enterprises, Government Departments and other Government linked organisations were responsible for 60% (some R75 million) of the New Age Newspaper’s advertising revenues for 2012, with Telkom investing some R31 million with the paper during the year.

August 2013: Africa News Network (ANN7), owned by Infinity Media Networks launches on DSTV. Infinity’s ownership is comprised of Oakbay Investments (35%), Essel Media (35%), BEE partner Mabengela Investments (21%) and reserved shares 9%.

December 2013: The Constitutional Court rules against ICT with regards to the mining rights at Sishen Mine.

26 May 2014: Nhlanhla Nene appointed as Minister of Finance, moving Pravin Gordhan to Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.

July 2014: Iqbal Sharma obtains a stake in VR Laser Services, the company in the lead to secure some R50 billion in tenders from Transet, while serving as Chairman of the committee overseeing the tender process. VR Laser Services is 25% owned by Gupta Mining Company JIC Mining Services, while a business “associate” Salim Essa owns 75%. Duduzane Zuma also got a stake through Westdawn Investments. The company’s current address is the same office used by other Gupta businesses.

September 2014: Mark Pamensky is appointed as a non-executive member the Oakbay Minerals and Resource Board of Directors.

27 September 2014: Tom Moyane takes office as Commissioner of the South African Revenue Service.

28 November 2014: Oakbay Resources and Energy listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange

December 2014: Mark Pamensky is appointed to the ESKOM Board of Directors.

August 2015: Glencore’s Optimum Colliery puts itself under financial rescue following a drop in coal prices and a R2.2 billion fine imposed on it by ESKOM for the supply of sub-specification coal to the Hendrina Power Plant in Mpumalanga. The company suspended its contract three weeks later.

September 2015: Former Free State MEC of Agriculture, Mosebenzi Zwane, is appointed and sworn in as Minister of Mineral Resources under dubious circumstances, circumventing normal Ministerial appointment procedures.

November 2015: Minister Zwane accompanies a delegation of Tegeta Exploration and Resources (Gupta owned) to Switzerland to help negotiate Glencore’s sale of the troubled Optimum Coal mine in Mpumalanga. ESKOM is reportedly keeping the R2.2 billion fine in place.

25 November 2015: Mabengela Investments acquire 317 shares (28.5%) in Tegeta Exploration and Resources at a cost of R100 million; Duduzane Zuma’s personal stake, 12.825%.

November 2015: Members of the Gupta family allegedly offers the post of Minister of Finance to Mcebisi Jonas (in the presence of Jacob Zuma’s son Duduzane) on the condition that he approves the Russian Nuclear Power deal and get rid of four prominent, high ranking officials at the Treasury.

November/December 2015: David van Rooyen and Minister Mosebenzi Zwane visit Dubai, United Arab Emirates, while members of the Gupta family is in the city. Van Rooyen insists that it was a private, one day visit before his appointment as Minister of Finance.

9 December 2015: Jacob Zuma replaces Nhlanlha Nene as Finance Minister with backbencher David van Rooyen, allegedly due to the former’s resistance the R1 trillion Russian Nuclear deal and, presumably, to make way for the creation of Denel Asia. Allegedly, the Russian Nuclear Deal is signed by the Zuma Cabinet on the same day.

13 December 2015: Under vast pressure from both the ANC and Business Sector, Jacob Zuma has no choice but to recall David van Rooyen and replace him with former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, relegating van Rooyen to being Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs.

15 December 2015: Tegeta Exploration and Resources is declared the preferred bidder to buy Optimum Coal mine and to continue the Mine’s ESKOM contract for coal to be delivered to the Hendrina Power Plant until December 2018.

20 December 2015: In a letter to Minister Lindiwe Sisulu, former Finance Minister Trevor Manuel alleges that a childhood friend of van Rooyen, Gaddafi Rabotapi, knew about van Rooyen’s appointment a month before he was sworn in.

21 January 2016: Mabengela opens a new account with Standard Bank; Duduzane Zuma sole authorised signatory.

29 January 2016: VR Laser Services announces that it has entered into a joint venture with DENEL to create DENEL Asia without prior approval by the Minister of Finance and Minister of Public Enterprises.

14 February 2016: Africa Confidential reveals two Gupta allies, Ian Whitley and Mohammed Bobat, as mystery advisors to Minister van Rooyen who showed up at the Treasury before van Rooyen was even sworn in as Finance Minister.

19 February 2016: Business Day reveals that advisor to Minister of Mineral Resources Mosebeni Zwane, Malcolm Mabaso, has ties to the Gupta family through a Directorship at Premium Security and Cleaning Services along with confirmed Gupta business partner Salim Essa.

26 February 2016: Mabengela is gifted another 71 shares in Tegeta Exploration and Resources to maintain ownership at 28.5% at a value of just under R96 million.

10 March 2016: EFF Chief Whip Floyd Shivambu alleges in a press release that the Guptas have moved R2 billion in funds from South Africa to the United Arab Emirates while the normal 10% levy on such transfers imposed by the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) has not been deducted from the transfer.

16 March 2016: Deputy Finance Minister Mcebisi Jonas publicly alleges that the Guptas offered him the position of Finance Minister prior to the sacking of Nanlha Nene on 9 December 2010.

17 March 2016: Former ANC Member of Parliament reveals that Atul Gupta offered her the position of Minister of Public Enterprises to replace Barbra Hogan just prior to the Cabinet-reshuffle in November 2010.

18 March 2016: Former ESKOM chairman Zola Tsotsi claims that he was removed from the ESKOM Board of Directors because she refused to facilitate business deals that would benefit Gupta owned businesses.

18 March 2016: The Dominican Order of Catholic Priests asks the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela, to investigate the claims of the Guptas’ influence over Ministerial appointments.

20 March 2016: The Sunday Times report how Themba Maseko‚ former CEO of the Government Communications and Information System (GCIS)‚ told how President Jacob Zuma personally called him to ensure that he met the Gupta brothers at their Saxonwold compound in Johannesburg.

20 March 2016: ANC Secretary General invites party members with information about the Gupta state capture to come forward and provide proof of such influence at the ANC Headquarters at Luthuli House, asking such members to refrain from making the information public.

21 March 2016: Private investigator Paul o’Sullivan allegedly sends an email to the Directorate for Priority Crimes (Hawks) daring them to arrest him when he flies to London on 4 April 2016, since he would go an expose the “Zuptas to the world.” The claims include that “the Zupta crooks infiltrated and criminalised SAA, the SAPS, the Hawks and National Prosecuting Authority.”

23 March 2016: The Special Investigations Unit (Hawks) announce an investigation into the affairs of the Guptas and Duduzane Zuma.

31 March 2016: EFF leader Julius Malema alleges that President Jacob Zuma couriered some R6 billion of the Guptas’ money to Dubai on a recent visit.

1 April 2016: International auditing firm KPMG ends its fifteen year relationship with the Guptas, citing the association risk to its public image as primary reason.

3 April 2016: ABSA bank and investment bank SASFIN cut all ties and closes all accounts linked to Oakbay and the Guptas

4 April 2016: Paul o’Sullivan arrested at O.R Tabo International Airport for allegedly “contravening the Immigration Act.”

6 April 2016: First National Bank (FNB) indicates that it will close down all accounts linked to the Guptas; no reason cited.

7 April 2016: Atul Gupta, Ajay Gupta, their wives and five assistants leave the country late at night from Lanseria Airport carrying a mountain of luggage.

8 April 2016: The Guptas and Duduzane Zuma announce their immediate resignations from all Boards of Directors of Oakbay and other Gupta linked companies in separate statements issued to the press. Zuma also indicates that he will “exit” all his investments from the group of companies.

10 April 2016: City Press reveals Duduzane’s Equity share in various companies, that which could be valued, to be worth more than R700 million.

11 April 2016: Using, News24 reveals that the plane carrying the Guptas landed in Dubai before taking off (at 00.10 on Monday 11 April 2016) for Nakur, India, 30 kilometers from their ancestral town of Saharanpur.

14 April 2016: Pictures and reports emerge of President Zuma being present at the opening of a weapons factory in Saudi-Arabia during his latest state visit. The factory is reportedly a joint venture between Rheinmetall Denel Munition (RDM) and Saudi Military Industries Corporation (Samic).

I did call it a beast, didn’t I? But fear not, we will clear all this up in due time.